diglossia, also called linguistic duality,
is a situation where, in a given society, there are two
(often closely-related) languages, one of high prestige,
which is generally used by the government and in formal
texts, and one of low prestige, which is usually the spoken
tongue. The high-prestige language tends to be the more
formalised, and its forms and vocabulary often 'filter
down' into the vernacular, though often in a changed form.
As an aspect of study of the relationships between codes
and social structure, diglossia is an important concept
in the field of sociolinguistics.
term diglossie was first coined (basically a transliteration
(diglōssia), 'bilingualism') by the Greek
linguist and demoticist
Psycharis. The Arabist
Marçais used the term in 1930 to describe the
linguistic situation in Arabic-speaking
Language registers and types
A. Ferguson's article "Diglossia" in the journal Word
(1959), diglossia was described as a kind of bilingualism
in a given society in which one of the languages is (H),
i.e. has high prestige, and another of the languages is
(L), i.e. has low prestige. In Ferguson's definition,
(H) and (L) are always closely related. Joshua
Fishman also talks about diglossia with unrelated
languages as "extended diglossia" (Fishman 1967), for
as (H) and Kannada
as (L) or Alsatian
(Elsässisch) in Alsace
as (L) and French
as (H). Kloss calls the (H) variant exoglossia
and the (L) variant endoglossia.
In some cases (especially with creole
languages), the nature of the connection between (H)
and (L) is not one of diglossia but a continuum;
for example, Jamaican
Creole as (L) and Standard English
as (H) in Jamaica.
(H) is usually the written language whereas (L) is the
spoken language. In formal situations, (H) is used; in
informal situations, (L) is used. One of the earliest
known examples is Latin, having diglossia Classical
Latin (H) and Vulgar
Latin (L). The latter is the tongue from which the
languages descended, and is almost completely unattested
The (L) variants are not just simplifications or "corruptions"
of the (H) variants. Many (L) languages have certain features
that are more complex than the corresponding (H) languages:
some Swiss German dialects have /e/, /ɛ/
while Standard German has only /ɛ(ː)/
(Berlin 'Berlin', Bären 'bears') and
(Beeren 'berries'). Jamaican Creole has fewer vowel
phonemes than standard Englishes, but it has additional
Especially in endoglossia the (L) form may also be called
the (H) form "acrolect",
and an intermediate form "mesolect".
Note however that there is no "mesolect" in German-speaking
and in Luxembourg.
Whether Paraguay has a form of diglossia is controversial.
and Spanish are both official languages of Paraguay.
Some scholars argue that there are Paraguayans who actually
don't speak Guaraní. The Chinese
language also offers an interesting case.
Ferguson's classic examples include Standard German/Swiss
German, Standard Arabic/vernacular
Arabic, Standard French/Kréyòl
in Haiti, Katharevousa/Dhimotiki
in Norway. However, Kréyòl is now recognised
as a standard language in Haiti. Swiss German dialects
are hardly languages with low prestige in Switzerland;
and colloquial Arabic has more prestige in some respects
than standard Arabic nowadays (see Chambers, Sociolinguistic
Theory). And after the end of the military
regime in 1974, Dhimotiki was made into Greece's only
standard language (1976). Nowadays, Katharevousa is (with
few exceptions, e. g. by the Greek Orthodox Church) no
longer used. Harold Schiffman writes about Swiss German:
"it seems to be the case that Swiss German was once consensually
agreed to be in a diglossic hierarchy with Standard German,
but that this consensus is now breaking." There is also
a lot of code-switching
especially in the Arabic world; according to Andrew Freeman
this is "different from Ferguson's description of diglossia
which states that the two forms are in complementary distribution."
To a certain extent, there is code switching and overlap
in all diglossic societies, even German-speaking Switzerland.
Examples where the High/Low dichotomy is justified in
terms of social prestige include Italian
dialects as (L) and Standard Italian as (H) in Italy and
German dialects and standard German in Germany. In Italy
and Germany, those speakers who still speak dialects typically
use dialect in informal situations, especially in the
family. In German-speaking Switzerland, on the other hand,
Swiss German dialects are to a certain extent even used
in schools and to a larger extent in churches. Ramseier
calls German-speaking Switzerland's diglossia a "medial
diglossia", whereas Felicity Rash prefers "functional
diglossia". Paradoxically, Swiss German offers both the
best example for diglossia (all speakers are native speakers
of Swiss German and thus diglossic) and the worst, because
there is no clear-cut hierarchy.
English during the Norman invasion
Prior to the Norman invasion of 1066, Old
English in its various dialects was spoken in England.
For some centuries following the conquest, England had
diglossia between a French-speaking
ruling class and commoners who spoke English.
As French gradually waned, English changed and took over
until Modern English was created through the merger of
this divide. However, there is still evidence of a division,
words and "common" words. Many "power" words (such as
bailiff) are "academic".
Diglossia is a term in Sociolinguistics for the use of
two varieties of language for different purposes in the
same community. The varieties are called H and L, the
first being generally a standard variety used for ‘high’
purposes and the second often a ‘low’ spoken vernacular.
In all the Arab
World, classical Arabic is H and local colloquial
Arabic is L. The most important hallmark of diglossia
is specialization, H being appropriate in one set of situations,
L in another: reading a newspaper aloud in H, but discussing
its contents in L. Functions generally reserved for H
include sermons, political speeches, university lectures,
and news broadcasts, while those reserved for L include
everyday conversations, instructions to servants, and
Abdullah Thalji 2007-2008
The situation with the Literary
al-fuṣ-ḥā) vs spoken varieties
of Arabic (العامية
al-`āmmiyya or الدارجة
ad-dārija) differs from country to country
but every Arab country's official language is "standard
Arabic". There is no consensus on which version of Arabic
should be taught to foreigners. Many scholars suggest
both MSA and at least one dialect should be studied.
The debate continues about the future of the Arabic language,
both among Arabic linguists in the Arab world and outside
it. Some prefer the status quo (existing diglossia). The
other suggestions are:
- Promote Modern Standard Arabic to be used colloquially,
outside the formal situations, on an everyday basis
by introducing more audio-material, enforcing the usage
on mass-media. A lot of cartoons were created in MSA,
which help young Arabs master the standard language
before they start schooling. There are proposals to
simplify the grammar of the standard Arabic a little
(the most complicated and seldom used and understood
features) and introduce some commonly known colloquial
words (known across many dialects or groups of dialects).
This idea is similar to the efforts in mainland China,
Mandarin has gained a lot of popularity and the
number of speakers is increasing, including those who
speak it on a daily basis or the situation with the
language, see Revival
of the Hebrew language, especially in Israel.
- Upgrade the individual dialects or merge dialects
into possibly one spoken Arabic, thus formalising spoken
Arabic as a standard. Often it is advocated in individual
Arabic countries, promoting only the main dialect of
the given country. This idea was especially popular
where spoken Egyptian is often written down and there
are works in Egyptian
Arabic (لهجة مصرية
lahja Miṣriyya - "Egyptian dialect") and
other countries, e.g. Kateb
Yacine wrote in Algerian
Arabic (لهجة جزائرية
lahja Jazā'iriyya - "Algerian dialect").
The "formal spoken Arabic" includes more features of
the standard Arabic and words are often selected, which
are understood across a larger area. One such a version
of "Formal Spoken Arabic" (based on Levantine
Arabic) is taught at Georgetown University. This
second idea is similar to Evolution
from Ancient to Modern Greek in Greece.
Many Arabic scholars are against this idea, as the current
standard Arabic is essentially the "classical Arabic"
- the language of Qur'ān
and is the literary standard in the Arab
Both ideas (the Hebrew (1) or the Greek (2) language
reforms) have become feasible with the globalisation and
the increase of the internet and mass-media usage among
Arabs but there must be consensus between governments,
scholars and the population and the efforts to follow.
television and others did a lot to promote standard Arabic
Ibrahim Kayid Mahmoud, College Of Education, King
Faisal University, Al-Hassa – Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
on Literary Arabic between Diglossia and Bilingualism
- The study has concluded that both diglossia and
bilingualism are the inveterate enemies of literary
Arabic; they try to annihilate it. They create a weak,
hesitant, indecisive anxious individual, with limited
- Additionally, they constitute the direct cause of
destroying creativity and scientific productivity.
It is therefore imperative to protect Literary Arabic
from the dangers of diglossia and bilingualism through
taking the necessary measures to foster it and to
give it due emphasis. Literary Arabic should be simplified
and made more appealing to the younger generations.
Educational institutions and mass media should also
give it due emphasis. Current educational concepts
should be utilized to promote literary Arabic. Arabic
teachers should be adequately qualified. It is finally
suggested that the teaching of foreign languages should
be delayed until after age ten, a time at which Arab
children have initially mastered their mother tongue
| A sign along the road in Bandar
Seri Begawan, the capital of Brunei, which reads
"Put forth the Malay language." The text at the top
of the sign says the same in the Arabic-based Jawi
Standard Malay (Bahasa Melayu) is promoted as the national
language and is the H variety, while Brunei Malay is used
very widely throughout society and it constitutes the
One major difference between these dialects of Malay is
that Brunei Malay tends to have the verb at the front,
while Standard Malay generally places it after the subject.
It has been estimated that 84% of lexical items in Brunei
Malay and Standard Malay are cognates,
though their pronunciation often differs very considerably.
While Standard Malay has six vowels, Brunei Malay has
only three: /a, i, u/.
One complicating factor is that English is also widely
used in Brunei, especially in education, as it is the
medium of instruction from upper primary school onwards,
so it shares the H role with Standard Malay. Another code
that competes for the H role in some situations is the
special palace language, which includes an elaborate system
of honorific terms for addressing and referring to the
Sultan and other nobles.
Finally, although Standard Malay is used for sermons in
the mosques (as expected for the H variety), readings
from the Qur'an
are in Arabic.
With the exception of Andorra,
as spoken outside of Catalonia may be diglossic in various
grades, from highly to barely diglossic. Diglossia in
Catalan is typically stronger in metropolitan areas than
in moderately to sparsely populated areas.
This phenomenon affects Alghero
Catalan dialect remains in severe danger of extinction
despite the recent revival in its usage), some areas in
Islands, so-called "North
Catalonia" and, in its Valencian
modality, some areas in the Valencian
Community as well.
For over two thousand years, the Chinese used Classical
Chinese (Literary Chinese) as a formal standard written
language. The standard written language served as a bridge
for communication throughout China
(and other countries in the CJKV
area) for millennia.
However, the colloquial spoken
Chinese varieties continued to evolve. The gulf became
so wide between the formal written and colloquial spoken
languages that it was blamed for hindering education and
literacy, and some even went so far as to blame it in
part for the political turmoil that occurred in China
during the 19th and early 20th centuries. This eventually
culminated in the adoption of Vernacular
Chinese, which was based on modern
spoken Mandarin, for all formal communication.
After the adoption of Vernacular Chinese as the modern
standard written language in the early 20th century, diglossia
was no longer a big issue among the majority of Chinese
speakers who natively spoke Mandarin
Chinese. However, Vernacular Chinese and its pronunciation
in local dialects is still an acrolect
in regions where Mandarin is not spoken natively, such
as most of South
For instance in Hong
Cantonese is the primary language of spoken communication,
although all formal written communication is done in Vernacular
Chinese. Unique among the other Chinese dialects, Cantonese
has its own written
form, but it is used only in informal contexts and
is often inconsistent due to the absence of standardization.
Literate Chinese speakers can read and write in the Mandarin-based
standard written language. However because the graphemes
in Chinese's logographic
writing system are not directly linked to pronunciation
(though there are quasi-phonetic hints), Cantonese speakers
who do not speak Mandarin will read aloud the characters
in Cantonese pronunciation only. The resulting speech
is Mandarin-based grammar and vocabulary pronounced word-by-word
in Cantonese. If the same sentence were to be spoken using
regular colloquial Cantonese, it might be quite different.
Here is an example:
||Please give me his book.
|Standard Written Chinese Rendition (Traditional
|Standard Written Chinese Rendition (Simplified
|Standard Mandarin Pronunciation of Writing
||Qǐng gěi wǒ tā
|Cantonese Pronunciation of Writing
||Chíng kāp ngóh
tā dīk syū.
|Written Colloquial Cantonese Rendition
|Colloquial Cantonese Pronunciation
||M̀h-gōi béi kéuih
bún syū ngóh.
In the above example, note the switching of the direct
and indirect objects and the use of different vocabulary
for certain words in the standard Chinese and colloquial
Cantonese renditions. In addition, Cantonese allows the
use of measure
words to serve in the place of a genitive
Cantonese pronunciation of standard written Chinese is
generally understandable to Cantonese speakers educated
in the standard written language. It is most often used
in Cantonese newscasts, albeit with certain substitutions
of colloquial Cantonese vocabulary so as to make it not
sound as stilted. This form of spoken Cantonese is a higher
and can be considered the acrolect to the colloquial Cantonese
Before the modern adoption of Vernacular Chinese, the
diglossic situation also applied to Mandarin speakers
when Classical Chinese was the standard written language.
Continuing the previous example for comparison, using
Classical Chinese it would be:
|Classical Chinese Rendition (Traditional
|Classical Chinese Rendition (Simplified
|Standard Mandarin Pronunciation of Classical
||Qiú ěr yǔ wǒ
|Cantonese Pronunciation of Classical Chinese
||Kàuh yíh yúh ngóh
Because Chinese's logographic writing system doesn't
indicate exact pronunciation, the pronunciation of Classical
Chinese in Old
Chinese is generally not possible (though tentative
reconstructions of the phonology of Old Chinese have been
attempted). Instead, Classical Chinese is also generally
pronounced according to the local dialect (such as the
Mandarin and Cantonese pronunciations given above), much
like how Cantonese speakers pronounce the modern Mandarin-based
Vernacular Chinese using Cantonese.
Unlike the situation with modern Chinese though, Classical
Chinese spoken according to the pronunciations of the
modern spoken Chinese varieties is still largely unintelligible
without training due to the syntax and vocabulary changes
that Chinese has undergone since Old Chinese. In addition,
sound mergers in the modern dialects cause many distinct
words in Classical Chinese to sound homophonous.
For one notable example, see Lion-Eating
Poet in the Stone Den.
is a classic example of diglossia, as the majority language
is regarded by most native speakers as inferior to the
State language, Spanish.
Since the sixteenth century the upper layers of the Galician
society, i.e. the town gentry, the civil servants and
the Curch used Spanish as their main or only language
whereas the vast majority of the population, made up of
peasants and fishermen, continued to speak Galician. This
entrenched a perception of Galician as a language of inferior
people that prevented social promotion. Thus, when urbanisation
spread in earnest in the mid twentieth century the new
middle classes and urban blue collar cohorts started to
adopt Spanish in a diglossic context, Galician at home
and Spanish at work. This is a situation that persists
to a slightly lesser degree to this day even as both languages
are official and the Galician language now enjoys a relatively
strong industrial culture and media.
To make things more complicated a similar relationship
exists between spoken Galician and the literary standard
that was developed when Galician became official language
in 1983, as native speakers resent the fact the standard
lacks naturality, does not include widely assumed phonetic
or lexical features of the spoken language shuch as gheada
(pronouncing "g" as the English "h" as in /halicia/ instead
of Galicia) as well as reintroducing Galician words
that have long been replaced in the spoken language by
their Spanish and in some cases English equivalents. Therefore
it is not uncommon to find native Galician speakers that
for instance speak colloquial Galician at home, Spanish
at work and standard Galician in public events or when
liaising with the Public Administration.
Until the 1970s, the Greek
language distinguished between Dimotiki,
the colloquial language which was used in everyday discussions
and the extremely formal and archaic Katharevousa,
which was used in more "educated" contexts, as in school,
in court, in law texts etc. Extreme Katharevousa was,
in fact, nearly pure Ancient
Greek, and as such, nearly completely unintelligible
to children and adults without higher education. This
was the reason for the Greek
language question, which was a heated dispute on which
language form was to be the official language of the state.
This dispute was eventually settled, and today the single
language used in all texts is an educated variant of Dimotiki,
which was enriched by many expressions from Katharevousa.
This variant is commonly called Modern
is officially a bi-lingual country: both Maltese
are official languages. Maltese
is, uniquely for Europe, a partially
language left over from Arab domination of the islands
which ended some 900 years ago and English as Malta was
Maltese society has been traditionally quite strongly
divided, politically, between the working class and middle
and upper classes and this is reflected in their language
use. Although all Maltese can speak their native language,
the extent to which one uses and is able to speak English
often reflects one's background. This is most clearly
illustrated by the different newspapers in Malta: the
liberal/conservative ones are in English (with names like
the Times of Malta and Malta Independent)
and the more left-leaning ones are in Maltese. Maltese
people of a middle- and upper-class background will often
speak English or use code-switching
extensively in public. There have been warnings from several
quarters including a linguistics professor from the University
of Malta that the Maltese language could become endangered
if the government (currently the right of centre Nationalists)
does not do more to promote it, in the same way that English
Before 1934, Italian
was the official language of Malta. Those in higher class
positions spoke Italian, and were often associated with
irredenta movement, which promoted the unification
of Malta with Italy. It was only those of lower class
at the time, whose ancestors came from Sicily
too long ago for them to still be fluent in Italian, who
spoke Maltese. Today, the influence of the Italian language
is still very present in Malta. Not only is it used in
the professional workplace but also it is key to Malta's
media, such as Television, Radio, and publications .
with respect to the Upper
Class of the Polish society
within the Kingdom
of Poland, most especially landed nobility, was a
low language until Jan
Kochanowski did stop writing in Latin,
the high language of the time, and decided to use his
Polish as the literary language during the late 16th century.
however, was often, but not always, the high language
during the 17th and 18th centuries in the Grand
Duchy of Lithuania in spite of the early Belarusian
being the official language.
According to some contemporary Brazilian
linguists (Bortoni, Kato, Mattos e Silva, Perini and most
recently, with great impact, Bagno), Brazilian
Portuguese may be a highly diglossic language. This
theory claims that there is an L-variant (termed "Brazilian
Vernacular"), which would be the mother tongue of all
Brazilians, and an H-variant (standard Brazilian Portuguese)
acquired through schooling. L-variant represents a simplified
form of the language (in terms of grammar, but not of
phonetics) that could have evolved from 16th century Portuguese,
influenced by Amerindian
languages, while H-variant would be based on 19th
Portuguese (and very similar to Standard European
Portuguese, with only minor differences in spelling
and grammar usage). Mário A. Perini, a Brazilian
linguist, even compares the depth of the differences between
L- and H- variants of Brazilian Portuguese with those
between Standard Spanish and Standard Portuguese. Milton
M. Azevedo wrote a chapter on diglossia in his monography:
Portuguese language (A linguistic introduction),
published by prestigious Cambridge University Press, in
the language spoken in Russia, was the low language from
Ages till the Baroque
period while Church
Slavonic served for all official purposes.
Many Russian abstract and scientific terms have Slavonic
morphology, in contrast to the corresponding words from
Samples for Slavonic influence in Russian
On the other hand, the language of the Russian Orthodox
church changed considerably with Russian vernacular forms
the Great cancelled its official status and subordinated
the Church to the State.
there is a diglossia between the extremely Persianised
Urdu (used by the literary elite such as poets, writers,
and Government officials), and an Urdu that is very similar
(spoken by common people, and known as Hindustani
(also known as Sinhalese), spoken in Sri Lanka, is a diglossic
language. There are several differences between the literary
language (also known as Literary Sinhala, LS) and
language (Spoken Sinhala, SS), especially about verbs:
- different personal pronouns:
- "he, she": LS ohu,
æja; SS eja
(lit. "that one", common);
- lack of inflection of the verb in SS:
- "I do", "you (sing.) do": LS mamə
kərəi (inflected); SS mamə
the same form for all persons)
- lack of future tense in SS, substituted by present
tense plus optional temporal adverb:
- LS mamə
jannəmi "I will go"; SS heʈə
mamə janəʋa "tomorrow
I will go" (lit. "tomorrow I go");
- different verbal forms (e.g. present participle in
LS versus reduplicated form in SS);
- different adpositions:
- "with": LS saməⁿgə;
- "from" (temporal): LS siʈə;
- "before" : LS perə;
- different vocabulary, e.g.:
- "to help": LS upəkaːrə
kərənəʋa; SS udau
- "to touch": LS sparʃəjə
kərənəʋa; SS allənəʋa
- "to marry": LS ʋiʋahə
ʋenəʋa; SS kasaːdə
- "to study": LS adːjənəjə
kərənəʋa; SS paːɖəm
- "to fight": LS saʈən
kərənəʋa; SS ranɖu
Literary or written Sinhala is commonly understood, and
used in literary texts and formal occasions (public speeches,
TV and radio news broadcasts, etc.), whereas the spoken
language is used as the language of communication in everyday
life. Children are taught the written language at school
almost like a foreign language.
Many analysts regard the use of English in Singapore
with Singapore Standard English (SStdE) forming the H
variety and Singapore Colloquial English (SCE, also known
as 'Singlish') constituting the L variety. SStdE is similar
to other varieties of Standard English in grammar and
lexis but with some of its own features of pronunciation,
particularly the use of full vowels (rather than [ə])
in most function words and also the sporadic absence of
while SCE is characterised by a simplified grammar (including
the omission of some conjunctions and the copula
verb BE) and regular use of pragmatic particles such as
lah and ah,
as well as frequent inclusion of Hokkien and Malay words.
However, other analysts prefer to see variation in the
English spoken in Singapore along a continuum, with the
style adopted depending on the education level and circumstances
of the conversation.
Some proficient speakers who are well-educated have been
shown to use mostly SStdE but with lots of pragmatic particles
when talking to their friends,
and this seems to provide evidence to support the continuum
It is certainly true that speakers are able to switch
quite abruptly, for example as they exit a classroom and
start chatting to their friends,
so one way or another there are many characteristics of
diglossia in spoken Singapore English.
is the language spoken in the southern part of Luzon,
the northernmost group of islands in the Philippines.
Southern Luzon covers the provinces around the capital
Metro Manila, and includes the capital itself. The language
spoken by majority of residents of Luzon, Tagalog, is
the basis for the country's national language, Filipino,
which is basically the standardized form of the Tagalog
spoken in Metro Manila.
Tagalogs (ethnic group) originating from provinces outside
of Metro Manila speak their own dialect of Tagalog. An
example is of the province Batangas, which has its own
dialect of Batangueño Tagalog. Speakers of Batangueño
Tagalog who go to Manila often suppress their dialect
and accent, eventually learning to use the Manila dialect.
They would speak their native dialect only when they gather
with others of their group. Also, having a regional accent
is usually met with amusement, but it is not frowned upon.
And although there are some who would maintain their accents,
their use is very minimal outside their hometowns and
At the moment, very little is written using any other
dialect of Tagalog other than that of Manila.
is a diglossic language spoken in Tamil
Nadu, a state in southern India and Nothern,Eastern
Regions of Sri Lanka. The classic form of the language
- called "Senthamizh" - is different from the spoken form
known since ancient times as Iyatramizh.
The classic form is preferred for writing, and is also
used for public speaking. While the written Tamil
language is mostly standard across various Tamil-speaking
regions, the spoken form of the language differs widely
from the written form. The diglossic form of Tamil has
held back its development as a language. Therefore, Perunchitthranar,
a Tamil nationalist and others of his ilk, advocated that
all Tamils speak only the pure form of the language, i.e.,
Tamil fiction-writers use "Senthamizh" for all descriptive
writing and use "Iyatramizh" only to narrate conversations
between the characters in their works. There have been
exceptions to this rule. Noted novelist Kalki
Krishnamurthy once dismissed "Senthamizh" as "Kodunthamizh"
(tortured Tamil). Even though all Tamils--no matter how
educated they are--always converse in colloquial Tamil,
Tamil novels used to depict educated people speaking in
the classic form. Several decades ago, most Tamil movies
had characters who spoke in classical Tamil.
Regional and caste differences can be distinctly heard
in spoken Tamil. Tamil in the state capital Chennai (formerly
is somewhat distinct from that spoken elsewhere. Due to
its proximity to Andhra
Pradesh, Chennai Tamil has more Telugu
loan words than the Tamil spoken in southern Tamil Nadu.
Chennai Iyatramizh also often has more words of
(or Deccani) than do varieties of Tamil from elsewhere
in the state.
Throughout Tamil Nadu, there are several varieties of
spoken Tamil. Tamil Brahmins speak a sort of "brahmin
Tamil". The largely agrarian middle castes converse in
their own dialect of Iyatramizh; this is the 'standard'
spoken Tamil of today's Tamil movies and fiction. Similarly,
the Scheduled Castes (formerly called Untouchables) speak
forms of Iyatramizh with clear grammatical differences
from the varieties spoken by the so-called higher castes.
However, regional differences are more interesting to
note. The Tamil dialects spoken by people in Northern
districts of Tamil Nadu like Arcot, Chennai and Southern
districts like Tirunelveli and Madurai are somewhat different
from each other. Like in other parts of the world, the
dialectical differences between various regions are vanishing
due to the influence of mass communications. So apparently
are the differences between the speech patterns of the
various caste groupings in Tamil Nadu. It is important
to note that all forms of spoken Tamil have always been
mutually intelligible. Also see Tamil
for dialectical variations in Iyatramizh
Using the Matched-Guise
Test, Laada Bilaniuk (University of Michigan) administered
surveys to 2,000 participants in Ukraine. In her article
"Diglossia in Flux: Language and Ethnicity in Ukraine",
Bilaniuk reports that until now, Russian has been the
High language and Ukrainian
the Low language. However, her data shows that diglossia
Now, both standard Russian
and standard Ukrainian
are considered the High languages, and the Low category
is filled with all non-standard dialects of the High languages.
- Eeden, Petrus van. "Diglossie" http://www.afrikaans.nu/pag7.htm
Charles A. 1959. "Diglossia," Word 15: 325-340.
Joshua. 1967. “Bilingualism with and without diglossia;
diglossia with and without bilingualism.” Journal
of Social Issues 23: 29-38.
- Freeman, Andrew. "Andrew Freeman's Perspectives on
Arabic Diglossia" http://www-personal.umich.edu/~andyf/digl_96.htm
- Lubliner, Jacob. "Reflections on Diglossia" http://www.ce.berkeley.edu/~coby/essays/refdigl.htm
S. Robert (1987). The Languages of China. Princeton
University Press. ISBN
- Rash, Felicity. 1998. The German Language in Switzerland.
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Language A/Language B
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Roumanian/Moldavian and many other confirm the results
of different theories. Imagine the population of the
nation A is separated in 2 parts by a wall. No communication
between parts A1 and A2.
In 50 years the language will "divide". About 16% of
the language in A1 will change, and 16% in A2 also, may
be not the same 16%! As a result the percentage will be
between 16 and 32. The situation now, 50 years after World
War II in the countries mentioned above is very close
to these scientific theoretical results that we have not
on the base of research of these countries.
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