Voice Changes in Translation - A Comparative Study of Active and Passive Voice in Chinese and English
By Andrew Methven,
MA Chinese Translation Practice and Theory,
SOAS, London, June, 2006
www.ace-translation.com
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1. Introduction
1.1. Voice
Voice is a grammatical
category of verbs that is related to what thing or person
is acting and what thing or person is being acted upon (Crystal,
1997). A verb is in the active voice when used to talk about
what people and things do; verbs in the passive voice describe
what is done to things (Swan, 1995). According to Swan,
not all verbs can be expressed in the passive voice, for
example die, arrive and have are all
inherently active. This is related to whether a verb is
transitive or intransitive.
1. 2. Transitivity and
Argument Structures
“Transitivity is a linguistic system in which…
categories characterize different kinds of events and process,
different kinds of participants in these events and the
varying circumstances of place and time within which events
occur. These variations in structure of the clause are said
to relate to different world views and to relay different
ideological slants.”
Hatim and
Mason (1997:225)
According to Fromkin et.
al (1991), a verb is said to be transitive when it takes
a noun phrase (NP) for a complement (direct object); an
intransitive verb is one that does not take a complement.
The grammatical dependants of the verb are called arguments (O’Grady et. al, 1987) and the number of arguments a verb can have
is known as the valency (Holmer, 1996). We can therefore
say that intransitive verbs have one argument (the subject)
and a valency of one; and transitive verbs have a valency
of two – arguments of the subject and the object. The term
thematic role determines the role played by a particular
entity in a given event (O’Grady et. al 1987). Thematic
roles relevant to this study are the Agent – the
doer, the Theme – the entity undergoing action, and
the Goal – end point of movement.
The object of an active
verb corresponds to the subject of a passive verb (Swan,
ibid.), therefore transitive verbs can have a passive voice
and intransitive verbs cannot as the latter do not have
an object to become the subject of the passive sentence.
This is therefore why verbs like die cannot be passive.
According to Hatim and
Mason (ibid.) transitivity, can classify processes into
action, material and event processes, therefore usage of
the passive for example can change how a process is depicted
– relaying notions of power, control and responsibility,
and therefore possible intentionality and ideology involved.
For example, it is widely accepted that the passive in English
can be “exploited in impersonal constructions to avoid explicit
blame” (ibid.). It is also noted that transitivity in English
is used to generate ‘ideational meanings’, for example the
passive can be used to make a notion more salient throughout
a text while at the same time diverting attention away from
‘true agency’ – presenting events from a ‘static view’.
‘Transitivity pattern’ through the text can also be used
cohesively, for example allowing a series of actors to be
identified with each other
1. 3 Long and short
passives
According to Xiao and Emery
(2005), “the passive voice is often used as a strategy that
allows language users to avoid mentioning the agent”, and
in majority of cases, the subject of the active verb – the
agent - is not expressed in the passive. These ‘agentless’
passives are know as ‘short passives’, and the less frequent
passives that do have an agent are known as ‘long passives’
(Xiao et al., 2005; Huang, 1999).
1. 4 Notional Passives
According to Kenneth (1993),
some verbs in the active voice can express passive meaning,
for example these clothes wash well, can have the
meaning these clothes are washed well. This type
of sentence is known as a notional passive, and occurs
both in Chinese and English. Xiao and McEnery (2005) do
not include notional passives in their study, summarised
in section 2. However as section 3 will show, these are
particularly important when considering English to Chinese
translation.
2. Comparison of Passive
Constructions and Their Usage
There are countless subjective
studies of Chinese and English passives. However, the only
recent corpus-based comparative study is by Xiao and McEnery
(2005). Below is a brief summary of their findings. This
article will not discuss derivation and analysis of Chinese
and English passives, however for a more detailed summary
of English passive analysis and current theory of the analysis
of Chinese passives see appendix 1 and 2, and for Chinese
short passives, see appendix 3.
2.1 English Passive
Constructions
English passives are grammatically
marked by a copular verb followed by the past participle
of a verb. A copular verb is one that joins an adjective
or noun compliment to a subject, for example be,
seem, become etc. The unmarked passive form
in English is be + past participle, but other copular
verbs can be used such as become and get,
however Xiao and McEnery restrict their study to be
and get, as other copular verbs tend be limited by
their semantics.
2. 2 Chinese Passive
Constructions
Zhang (2004) states that
Chinese being a typical analytic language, the passive voice
change is marked overtly through the addition of a passive
morpheme, or covertly through implicit semantics (notional
passive). According to Xiao and McEnery, Chinese has a wider
range of devices to express passive meaning. The most important
is bei – which can mark a passive with or without
an agent. Bei is simply a device (a passive morpheme)
employed to mark the patient status of the subject. Chinese
passives take the form seen in sentence (1).
(1) shi-shi-shang, ta-men
que yi-ge-ge bei (ren) sha le
In fact they but one by
one PSV (somebody) kill ASP
“But in fact they were
will killed one by one (by somebody).”
Xiao and McEnery, 2005
The Chinese passive morpheme
precedes the actor, which is optional (as with English),
and can also mark the verb when the actor is not present.
Although it will be shown that Chinese passives tend to
favour making the agent theta role explicit (see 2. 3. 3).
There are several other
passive morphemes in Chinese, for example rang, jiao,
gei. And the archaic structure wei… suo. But
these are also lexical verbs with their own meanings and
have not become fully grammaticalized – leading to potential
ambiguity when used. According to Tang (2001) gei can also be used as an intensifier that comes before the theme in
the passive. Its function is comparable to the particle
(PRT) suo in the classical construction, wei…
suo. Tang refers to this as the ‘affectedness marker’
that reinforces the affectedness in these constructions.
Removing gei, will result in a less emphatic tone.
Xiao and McEnery note that Chinese also has a number of
lexical verbs that are inherently passive – called automatic
passives (similar to notional passives), the most
common of which are ai (suffer), shou (endure)
and zao (meet with) - see Table 1.
| Passive
Type |
Passive
Marker |
% of total
Occurrences |
Long passive |
Short passive |
| Frequency |
Percent |
Frequency |
Percent |
| Syntactic
Passive |
Bei |
87.3% |
511 |
39.3% |
789 |
60.7% |
| Wei…suo |
60.0% |
69 |
100.0% |
- |
- |
| Gei |
1.5% |
17 |
42.5% |
23 |
57.5% |
| Jiao |
0.4% |
4 |
100.0% |
- |
- |
| Rang |
1.6% |
15 |
100.0% |
- |
- |
| Lexical
Passive |
Ai |
52.6% |
1 |
3.3% |
29 |
96.7% |
| Shou |
60.4% |
132 |
31.9% |
282 |
68.1% |
| Zao |
82.0% |
34 |
37.4% |
57 |
62.6% |
Table
1: summary of frequency of syntactic and lexical
passives in Chinese (Xiao and McEnery, 2005)
2. 3. Comparison of
Usage
Based on the study of Xiao
and McEnery, the differences in usage of English and Chinese
passives can be distinguished according to five categories:
2. 3. 1. Frequency
The frequency of passive
use in English is far higher, and many writers agree that
English has a tendency to overuse passives, whereas Chinese
tends to avoid them. In a parallel corpus analysed by Xiao
and McEnery only 20% of the English passives were translated
into Chinese passives. In Chinese, Bei has a much higher frequency of passive use, reflecting its higher
degree of grammaticalisation compared to the other syntactic
passive markers.
2. 3. 2. Dynamicity
Get
passives only occur in dynamic events, be passives
are not sensitive to dynamicity, and therefore can be used
in both dynamic and static events, which explains why be
passives are more common. In passives where both variants
are possible, get collocations tend to be more informal.
Chinese passives are only used in dynamic events and can
therefore be likened to get passives.
2. 3. 3. Agents in long
passives:
The majority of passives
in English are short. When the agent does appear, it is
introduced by the preposition by. Be short
passives are more than 8 times more frequent than their
long form, and get short passives are ten times more
frequent. Therefore the agent is further down graded and
the patient further highlighted in the latter. In Chinese,
the overall frequency of short passives is lower, which
is because jiao and rang and the wei…
suo construction only occur
in long passives. English short passives are common throughout
whereas in Chinese, long passives are more common in speech
and short passives more so in written language (this is
also due to the lexicalization of some short passives –
see appendix 3).
2. 3. 4. Semantic prosody
Semantic prosody describes
the way in which certain seemingly neutral words can come
to carry positive or negative associations. Lian (1993)
terms passive constructions in Chinese the ‘inflictive voice’, and
in particular, lexical passives ai and zao
are always negative due to their connotative meaning. In
Xiao and McEnery’s study, 50% of all Chinese passives are
negative, whereas English be and get passives
are only 15% and 37.7% respectively. Many writers now agree
that because of language contact, this negative prosody
is no longer as strong; however the majority of Chinese
passives are still used to portray a negative semantic prosody.
This change is apparently more restricted to written language
- Bei passives do not show such a negative prosody in official documents
and academic texts. In English, get passives are more likely to be used in a negative sense and are typically
used to indicate the speakers’ attitude towards events.
The collocations of get passives can be highly attitudinal,
for example, ‘get paid’, ‘get married’. Such concepts are
often the source of debate and contention. Be passives
are not used in this way (ibid.).
2. 3. 5 Genre distinctions
Be
passives are high frequency in abstract and technical genres,
especially official documents and academic prose - typically
used to impose an objective, formal style. Written genres
show low frequency of get passives, which are most
likely to appear in spoken genres. There are also stylistic
differences in get passives, occurring more with
verbs of daily occurrences like dressed and washed,
and also with informal or slang expressions like chucked,
nicked etc. This suggests that get passives
are more informal in style. Chinese passives do not have
the function of objectivity as with be passives,
and therefore are relatively low in scientific and other
technical genres. Chinese passives are most frequent in
religious texts, and detective novels, and least frequent
in news editorials and official documents (ibid.). Passive
markers gei, jiao, rang are generally
very rare in written genres and are considered colloquial
usages by all writers. According to Wu and Zhou (2004),
jiao
and rang are typically spoken in northern dialects,
whereas gei is typically spoken in southern dialects
(Li, 1994).
2. 4. Summary
Thanks to the work of Xiao
and McEnery, it has been shown that the usage and implications
of the passive in Chinese is very different to that of English.
Therefore the manipulation of transitivity to convey intentionality
and ideology (Hatim and Mason) in English is unlikely to
be reflected using same constructions in Chinese due to
genre and semantic restrictions. Therefore having recognised
such patterns in an English text, alterations to the transitivity
patterns have to be implemented in order to reflect the
same relations of power and ideology in the target text.
Below is a discussion of some of the techniques used in
English – Chinese translation.
3. Contrastive analysis
of English and Chinese passives in translation
According to Li et al.,
(2003) English passive voice can be used when the actor
does not need to be mentioned or if there is no way of knowing
the actor, to give prominence to the patient, because of
politeness, and even for textual convenience (cohesion),
whereas in Chinese the passive is used to express the adversative
result of a dynamic passive action.
Another important difference
to recognise is one of typology. Li and Thompson state that
one of the characteristics of Chinese as a typical topic
prominent language
“…is that the passive voice appears as a marginal construction,
rarely used in speech. The relative insignificance of
the passive… [can be explained by] the topic, not the
subject, that plays a more significant role in sentence
construction. Any noun phrase can be the topic of a sentence
without registering anything on the verb. It is, therefore,
natural that the passive construction is not as widespread
in [topic prominent] languages as it is in [subject prominent]
languages.
(1975: 467)
Therefore, it follows that
in the majority of cases, syntactic passives in English
should be translated into active Chinese sentences. And
according to Lin (2005), even when there is implicit passive
meaning, this will not manifest itself formally (see ‘notional
passives’). Xiao and McEnery point out that notional passives
in Chinese can also be viewed as topic-comment sentences
where the subject argument is the topic and the remaining
constituents are the comment. They conclude that these are
not passive sentences. However from a translation perspective,
it is important to recognise that notional passives are
an invaluable tool for translating English passives.
Many passives in English
are simply translated as true active sentences in Chinese,
as in 2 and 3:
(2) Zhe-er yao xiu gengduo
de gong-lu
Here will construct more
GEN road
“More highways will be
built here”
(3) Da-mi zhu-yao chan
zai nan-fang
Rice mostly produce in
south
“Rice is mainly grown in
the South”
Lin, 2005: 74
Xie (2006), notes that
often the fronted patient in the English passive can remain
in the sentence initial position in the Chinese translation,
but as the topic. In 3 (above) and 4, 5 and 6 (below), word
order is unchanged.
(4) Ting-zhong qing bao-chi
su-jing
Audience please maintain
silence
“The audience are requested
to keep silent.”
(5) Jue-yi yi-zhi tong-guo
Resolution consistent
pass
“The resolution has been
unanimously adopted.”
Zhang (2006: 107)
(6) Dian-neng ke-yi chuan-song
dao hen yuan de di-fang
Electric power able transmit
to very far GEN place
“Electricity can be transmitted
over long distances”
Lin, 2005: 72
In many instances, word
order is affected. Another method is to take the subject
of the passive English sentence and move it to the object
of the Chinese active sentence, as in (7):
(7) Qi-ta fang-fa wu-fa
zhi-zao zhe-xie tong-wei-su
Other method cannot make
these isotope
“These isotopes cannot be manufactured in other ways.”
Ming,
2005: 67
Different elements of the
English passive can also become the subject in translation,
as in (8), where a place adverbial becomes the subject (although
according to Li and Thompson’s analysis this is technically
the topic).
(8) Zhong-guo zai
si-qian nian qian fa-ming le zhi-nan-zhen
China at 4000 year before
invent ASP compass
“The compass was invented
in China 4000 years ago.”
Ming, 2005: 67
Translation of the English
passive voice is not just a simple case of translating into
Chinese active or notional passives, and often, other changes
need to be made. Many writers agree that there is a tendency
in Chinese notional passives to profile an actor, even when
it is indefinite. It is common to find terms such as ren-men
(people), you-ren (somebody), da-jia (everybody)
or wo-men (us) as a generalized actor in a Chinese
notional passives translated from (short) English passives
(Ming, 2005).
(9) Ru-guo you-ren
xiang ni ti-chu you-guan si-shi went-ti, bu-xu hui-da
If someone to you ask
about private question, no need answer.
“If you are asked personal
questions, you need not answer.”
Ming, 2005: 68
According to Li and Thompson,
English as a subject prominent language uses
“…dummy or empty subjects, such as… it and there…
This is because in [a subject prominent] language a subject
may be needed whether or not it plays a semantic role”
Li and Thompson, 1975: 467
Therefore there is no need
for such passive constructions in Chinese, and according
to Ming (2005), these ‘it-cleft’ structures can be translated
as generalized subjects (see 9 and 10); or as verbs
such as ju (‘according to’) – see (11 and 12).
(10) Ren-men xiang-xin
wei-lai yao sheng-guo xian-zai
People believe future
will exceed present
“It is believed that the
future will be an improvement on the present.”
(11) Ju gu-ji
ceng you yi-liang-qian zhong
According estimation once
have one two thousand type
Mei-zhou yin-di-an-ren
de yu-yan
American Indian people
GEN language
“It is estimated
that at one time there existed from one to two thousand
American Indian languages.”
Ming, 2005: 67
(12) Ju-shuo gong-ren-men
dui ta dou hen tong-qing
According-say workers
to him all very sympathetic
“It is said the
workers all regarded him with sympathy”
Lin, 2005: 73
Zhang (2001) lists a number
of the most common it-cleft structures in English and their
corresponding Chinese translations, some of which are listed
below:
1. “It is found that…” → ju fa-xian
2. “It is well known that…” → zhong-suo-zhou-zhi
3. “It is reported that… ”→ ju bao-dao
Sentence (2) is a set phrase
in Chinese, which is a good example of the difficulties
encountered in the translation of the English passive -
see 13.
(13) Zhong-suo-zhon-zhi
zhe-xie dao-yu xiang-lai gui-yu zhong-guo guan-xia
Everybody everywhere know
these islands always belong China govern
“It is common knowledge
that these islands have always been under Chinese jurisdiction”
Lin, 2005: 73
Another way to express
a passive meaning in Chinese without explicit marking is
using the ‘copular structure’ (COP) (Zhang, 2005; Ming,
2006). This structure consists of the verb ‘to be’ – Shi,
which comes after the subject and before the object, which
is followed by the nominalising particle (PRT) de.
Ming states that when the English passive describes stative
instances such as time, place, composition and method, this
notionally passive structure can be used in Chinese, and
relevant constituent can be placed within this frame.
(14) Ai-zi-bing shi
1983 nian zai ren-ti bai-xue-qiu nei fa-xian de
AIDS COP 1983 year at
human white blood cell in discover PRT
“The AIDS virus was first
found in white blood cells in 1983.”
(15) Shi-jian wan-wu dou
shi yuan-zi gou-cheng de
World all thing all COP
atom form PRT
“Everything in the world
is made up of atoms”
Another characteristic
unique to Chinese is the ‘subjectless sentence’, which is
also a consequence of being a topic prominent language.
This is a very common structure and is typical of texts
expressing point of view, attitude, warning, requests and
appeals (Lin, 2005). In translation from English passives,
the subject becomes the object of the subjectless sentence
(Ming, ibid.).
(16) Zai xu-duo guo-jia
hen shao xiang quan-wei ti-chu zhi-yi
At many country very rare
towards authority raise challenge
“Authority is rarely
questioned in many countries.”
(17) Bi-xu li-ji zhong-zhi
zhe tao-yan de zao-yin
Must immediate cease this
terrible GEN noise
“That unpleasant noise
must be stopped immediately.”
When an English passive
describes a dynamic event, with a clear passive action,
and especially if it is adversative, the sentence can be
translated as a passive construction in Chinese with the
addition of a passive morpheme (PSV) (Liu, 2001).
(18) Di-ren bei
da-bai le
Enemy PSV defeat ASP
“The enemy was defeated.”
(19) Wo ma ye gei
ci le
My mother also PSV fire
ASP
“My mother was also fired”
Xiao and McEnery, 2005
(20) Mi-Mi jiao
ta cai zhun le
Secret PSV her guess right
ASP
“The secret was found out
(by her)”
(21) He-dong-li wei
ke-xue-jia suo ren-shi yi-you duo-jiu le?
Nuclear power PSV scientist
PRT know already how long ASP?
“How long has nuclear power
been know to scientists?”
5. Conclusion
This article has shown
the difference between passives in Chinese and English in
terms of frequency, genre and semantic prosody. Passives
in English are common, and the two main types (be
and get) are characteristic of different genres –
written/technical, and spoken respectively. The changes
between active and passive voice in translation have also
been illustrated. In the majority of translations from English,
a change occurs from syntactic passive to notional passive
or active sentence in Chinese, and therefore a change in
transitivity structures occurs. Chinese is a topic prominent
language, and in the majority of cases, uses the passive
as a special structure, to express a negative semantic prosody.
There is also a clear need for further research of Chinese
notional passives and the changes in transitivity structures
encountered in translation.
6. References
1.
Chao, Y. 1968. Grammar of Spoken Chinese (Berkeley:
University of California Press)
2. Crystal, D. 1997. The Cambridge Encyclopedia
of Language, Second Edition. Cambridge,.
3. Fromkin, V, Rodman, H, Hyams,
N. 1991. An Introduction to Language. Thompson Wadsworth,.
4. Hatim,
B. Mason, I. 1997. The Translator as Communicator, London, Routledge.
5. Holmer, A. 1996. Typology,
a case link. Lund University, Dept of Linguistics. Working
Papers 45, pp 63-78.
6. Huang, C. T. 1999. Chinese
Passives in Comparative Perspective. Tsing Hua Journal
of Chinese Studies, No. 29, pp 423-509.
7. Kenneth,
W. 1993. The Columbia Guide to Standard American English.
New York: Columbia University Press.
8.
Li, M. 2001. ‘Bei, shou, ai’ ju bian (Differences
in the words bei, shou and ai). Journal
of Tianjin Adult Higher Learning Vol. 3, No. 3, 44-46.
9. Li, C, N. & Thompson, S. A. 1975. The
Semantic Function of Word order: a case Study in Mandarin.
In Li. C. N (ed.). Word Order and Word Order Change, pp
457-490. University of Texas Press.
10. Li, Y & Li, H. 2005. Yinghan Huyi
Zhong Yutai de Zhuanyi (On Translation of Active and
Passive Voice between Chinese – English and English – Chinese
translation). Journal of College of foreign Languages, Yan’an
University. Vol. 27, No. 4, pp 113-116.
11.
Lian, S. 1993. Ying Han Duibi Yanjiu (Contrastive
Studies of English and Chinese) (Beijing: High Education
Press).
12.
Liu, M. 2001. Yingyu Beidong Yutai de Yuyong Fenxi Ji
Qi Fanyi (Translation and Analysis of the Translation
of English Passive Voice). Chinese Science & Technology
Translators Journal. Vol. 14, No. 1, pp 1-4.
13.
Ming, Z. 2005. Yingyu Beidong Yutai de Yifa (Discussion
on the Translation of the Passive Voice in English). Journal
of Chongqing College of Education, Vol. 18, No. 4, pp 66-68.
14. Swan, M. 1995. Practical English
Usage. Oxford University Press.
15.
Tang, S. 2001. A complementation approach to Chinese passives
and its consequences. Linguistics 39/2, 257-295.
16.
Wu, M. and Zhou, X. 2004. Beiziju Jiao Rang Beidongju
Zai Jiaoxue Yufa Zhong de Fenlei (On the detachment
of ‘bei’-marked passive sentences from ‘jiao rang’-marked
ones in Chinese pedagogical grammar). Journal of Yunnan
Normal University, Vol. 2, No. 4, 66-71.
17.
McEnery,
A. M. and Xiao, R. 2005. Passive constructions
in English and Chinese: A corpus-based contrastive study. In: Corpus Linguistics, 14-17 Jul 2005, Birmingham,
UK.
18.
Xie, J. 2006. Qianxi Ying Han Beidong Yutai de Huyi Fangfa
(Intertranslation of Passive Voice between English and Chinese).
Journal of Hunan Arts and Science University, No. 3. pp
137-139.
19.
Zhang, X. 2006. Ying Han Beidong Yutai de Hanyi Jiqiao
(Techniques of Translating English Passive Voice into Chinese).
Journal of Foreign Languages Department, Anyang University,
pp 107-109.
20.
Zhang, Y. 2004. Qiantan yingyu beidong yutai de hanyi
jiqiao (On the Translation Skills of English Passive
Voice into Chinese). Journal of the Department of Foreign
Languages, Shenyang Normal University, Vol. 28, No. 2, pp
110-114.
Appendix 1: Comparison of the Analysis of English and Chinese Ananlysis
According to Holmer (1996)
the passive in English is formed by,
“…[a] passive morpheme… attach[ing] to a verb, absorbing
its “agent theta role”. The removal of this role implies
the loss of the verbs ability to assign ‘object case’
to its compliment. Consequently, the compliment is forced
to move upwards to look for Case, which it finds in the
subject position. Thus the affixation of a passive morpheme
leads to the deletion of the Agent of the clause and the
promotion of the patient to the subject of the clause.”
According to Huang (1999),
“…the usual assumption [in English] about the suppression
of the subject theta role is that it is suppressed by
the passive ending –en… As a typical analytic language,
Chinese does not have any inflectional morphology, and
it is the nature of an analytic language that what happens
in the morphology of a synthetic language [ie English]
often happens at the syntactic level. Therefore it is
acceptable to say that passive morphemes in Chinese absorb
the subject theta role of the VP compliment.”
Appendix 2: Analysis of Chinese passives
There is much contention
as to what syntactic role bei plays – Chao (1968)
first claimed it was a preposition, similar to by,
where as other writers claim it is a verb (Tang, 2001).
According to Huang, there have been two types of contrasting
theories for the analysis of Chinese passives. One of which
is one of NP movement, which is typical of English passives,
where the underlying object moves to the surface subject
position in the presence of the passive morpheme bei – absorbing
the accusative case of the theme object of an active sentence,
and de-thematising the subject position of the verb, bei
itself is considered to be the prepositional head of a prepositional
phrase. The other theory is that no movement takes place
and that the Chinese passive is the result of VP Complementation,
whereby bei as a matrix verb, takes on an embedded
clause whose object is deleted under identity with the matrix
subject. Huang convincingly shows that both theories can
be simultaneously ‘correct and incorrect’ and that they
complement each other. Huang himself supports a more recent
theory which is said to be similar to the ‘tough
structure’ in English, which involves a null operator movement
and predication. According to this analysis, the passive
involves both complementation and movement.
Appendix 3: Derivation
of the mandarin short passive
Huang presents a strong
argument against the short passive in Chinese being derived
from the long passive, based on seven criteria including
accessibility of deletable object, chronology of emergence
(short passive earlier than long) and positions of adverbials.
Huang proves that the short passive in Chinese is not simply
derived from the long passive – instead it is handed down
from the archaic passive construction and that some archaic
short passives have indeed been fossilized. The short passive
has both a lexical and a phrasal form, the former dates
back to ancient Chinese, which was highly monosyllabic.
Bei is the head of the two syllable compounds that
later became cliticised into V-V compounds which are common
in modern Chinese. Eg. bei-bu (arrest) and bei-fu
(capture).
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