Language Acquisition Process
By
Badr Assila,
badrassila2005[at]hotmail.com
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See also: Language
acquisition
I
- the basic requirements:
1 - Exposure
It is the first basic
requirement for language acquisition. If we take a child
born of Moroccan parents and put him in another social
environment, such as Italy, he will speak the language
spoken there (i.e. Italian) not Moroccan Arabic. This
is called cultural transmission, not genetic transmission.
If the child were not exposed to a human language, “the
language faculty” (that is the ability to acquire language)
with which he is born, can not be activated.
There is no language
output if language faculty was not activated. This leads
us to say that language acquisition requires both the
auditory and the acoustic input.
The critical age, called
Puberty, occurs in the area where language is. Language
acquisition has to be activated before this age. If the
language faculty is not activated on time that is before
this age language acquisition will certainly fail.
II - Stages of Language Acquisition:
1 - Pre- Linguistic
Period:
During their first months, children
cry many times in a day; these cries are accompanied
by producing some sounds.
b - Babbling:
Babies all over the world
produce the same sounds and they may produce sounds that
are never used in their environment. Babbling is an internal
behaviour not a response to external stimulation. Children
around the sixth to the ninth month begin to differentiate
between the sounds and select the sounds that exist in
their environment.
2 - The Linguistic Period:
a - The Holophrastic Stage
After one year, children have learnt
that sounds are related to meanings; they begin to go
through the one-word which is considered for them as
one-utterance. The words in this stage serve three major
functions. First, they are linked with a child’ own
action or desire for action. Second, they are used to
convey emotions. Third, they serve a naming function.
b - The Two-Word Utterances:
Babies begin to produce two- word utterances
which can show different combination of word order.
In this stage, the words lack morphological and syntactic
markers but we can notice that there is a word order.
c - Telegraphic Stage:
At this stage, the word forms are beginning
to varry; inflectional morphemes begin to appear in
addition to the use of simple prepositions. The child
pronunciation is closer to the adult one.
Some inflectional morphemes will appear,
indicating functions of the nouns and the verbs. The
child is going to use all the verbs he knows in −ing
form, in the same way, all nouns with plural. This is
referred to as the process of Generalization.
For the past inflection, the child is
going to use the verb “go” with {−ed} and say ⁄goed⁄.
By the time, the baby learns further rules, he is going
to over generalize them.
The child’s speech shows
strong evidence against imitation because his own production
remains different on morphological and syntactic level.
Many studies about the development of syntax in the child’s
language have shown that the use of the child language
never violates the English syntactic rules. In the two-word
stage, the baby either begins his utterance with a wh-word
or only uses a rising intonation. By the Telegraphic speech,
he may not use inversion; he would use negation, and may
use double negation regularly.
V - Theories of Language Acquisition:
1 - Empiricism:
This school is based
on four theories or hypothesises. The stimulus theory,
the correctness theory; trial and errors theory, and the
imitation theory. The empiricists believe that the actual
experience is the source of ideas. The mind is at first
a “Tabula Rasa”, they believe that we have no special
inborn capacity to acquire language. Language is entirely
learnt through environmental stimulus and behavioural
response. The empiricists believe that the child imitates
the adult in speaking.
The rationalists believe
that the reason is the chief source of knowledge. They
stress on the fact that children acquire language so readily
because it is in their genes. They also believe that children
are born with a capacity to acquire many languages.
→ But these two schools agree on some
points. First, they agree that children have to be exposed
to a certain language. Second, they also agree on learning.
Do children learn language by imitation?
Close observation of babies acquiring their first language
show that children do not imitate and that also children
do not hear the corrections.
Children behave as efficient linguists; they form linguistic
rules and apply them by generalization. The over-generalization
process does not occur in adult’s speech and this is
another proof against the hypothesis of imitation.
Do children learn language through enforcement?
Of course children do not learn their language through
enforcement. And this example shows this:
Child: nobody don’t
like me
Adult: no, say, nobody likes me
Child: nobody don’t
likes me
Expansion:
It means that there are parents who try to expand their
children’s simple forms into proper sentences.
Motherese:
It means that there are some parents who try to simplify
their speech to their children using simple forms at
the early stages.
Language acquisition
By Wikipedia,
the free encyclopedia,
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Language_acquisition
Language acquisition
is the study of the processes through which learners acquire
language. First
Language Acquisition studies the infants' acquisition
of their native language, whereas Second
Language Acquisition deals with acquisition of additional
languages in both children and adults.
One hotly debated issue is whether the biological
contribution includes capacities specific to language acquisition,
often referred to as universal
grammar. For fifty years, linguists Noam
Chomsky and the late Eric
Ingeberg have argued for the hypothesis that children
have innate, language-specific abilities that facilitate
and constrain language learning[1].
Other researchers, including Elizabeth
Bates, Catherine Snow, and Michael
Tomasello, have hypothesized that language learning
results only from general cognitive abilities and the interaction
between learners and their surrounding communities. Recent
work by William
O'Grady proposes that complex syntactic phenomena result
from an efficiency-driven, linear computational system.
O'Grady describes his work as "nativism without Universal
Grammar." One of the most important advances in the study
of language acquisition was the creation of the CHILDES
database by Brian MacWhinney and Catherine Snow.
Theories
Nativist theories
Nativist theories hold that children are
born with an innate propensity for language acquisition,
and that this ability makes the task of learning a first
language easier than it would otherwise be. These "hidden
assumptions" [2]
allow children to quickly figure out what is and isn't possible
in the grammar of their native language, and allow them
to master that grammar by the age of three. [3]
Nativists view language as a fundamental part of the human
genome, as the trait that makes humans human, and its acquisition
as a natural part of maturation, no different from dolphins
learning to swim or songbirds learning to sing.
Chomsky originally theorized that children
were born with a hard-wired language
acquisition device (LAD) in their brains [1].
He later expanded this idea into that of Universal
Grammar, a set of innate principles and adjustable parameters
that are common to all human languages. According to Chomsky,
the presence of Universal Grammar in the brains of children
allow them to deduce the structure of their native languages
from "mere exposure".
Much of the nativist position is based on
the early age at which children
show competency in their native grammars, as well as the
ways in which they do (and do not) make errors. Infants
are born able to distinguish between phonemes in minimal
pairs, distinguishing between bah and pah,
for example.[2]
Young children (under the age of three) do not speak in
fully formed sentences, instead saying things like 'want
cookie' or 'my coat.' They do not, however, say things like
'want my' or 'I cookie,' statements that would break the
syntactic structure of the Phrase,
a component of universal grammar.[2]
Children also seem remarkably immune from error correction
by adults, which Nativists say would not be the case if
children were learning from their parents.[3]
The possible existence of a Critical
Period for language acquisition is another Nativist
argument. Critical periods are time frames during which
environmental exposure is needed to stimulate an innate
trait. Young chaffinches, for example, must hear the song
of an adult chaffinch before reaching maturity, or else
would never be able to sing. Nativists argue that if a Critical
Period for language acquisition exists (see below), then
language acquisition must be spurred on by the unfolding
of the genome during maturation.[3]
Linguist Eric
Englebert stated in 1964 that the crucial period of
language acquisition ends around the age of 12 years. He
claimed that if no language is learned before then (see
Feral
children), it could never be learned in a normal and
fully functional sense. This was called the "Critical
period hypothesis."
However, the opponents of the "Critical Period Hypothesis"
say that in this example the child is hardly growing up
in a nurturing environment, and that the lack of language
acquisition in later life may be due to the results of a
generally abusive environment rather than being specifically
due to a lack of exposure to language.
The "Critical Period" theory of brain plasticity
and learning capacity has been called into question. Other
factors may account for differences in adult and child language
learning. Children’s apparently effortless and rapid language
acquisition may be explained by the fact that the environment
is set up to engage them in frequent and optimal learning
opportunities. By contrast, adults seem to have an initial
advantage in their learning of vocabulary and syntax, but
may never achieve native-like pronunciation.[4]
A more up-to-date view of the Critical Period Hypothesis
is represented by the University
of Maryland, College Park instructor Robert
DeKeyser. DeKeyser argues that although it is true that
there is a critical period, this does not mean that adults
cannot learn a second language perfectly, at least on the
syntactic level. DeKeyser talks about the role of language
aptitude as opposed to the critical period.
More support for the innateness of language
comes from the deaf population
of Nicaragua.
Until approximately 1986, Nicaragua had neither education
nor a formalized sign language for the deaf. As Nicaraguans
attempted to rectify the situation, they discovered that
children past a certain age had difficulty learning any
language. Additionally, the adults observed that the younger
children were using gestures unknown to them to communicate
with each other. They invited Judy
Kegl, an American linguist from MIT,
to help unravel this mystery. Kegl discovered that these
children had developed their own, distinct, Nicaraguan
Sign Language with its own rules of "sign-phonology"
and syntax.
She also discovered some 300 adults who, despite being raised
in otherwise healthy environments, had never acquired language,
and turned out to be incapable of learning language in any
meaningful sense. While it was possible to teach vocabulary,
these individuals were unable to learn syntax.[3]
Derek
Bickerton's (1981) landmark work with Hawaiian pidgin
speakers studied immigrant populations where first-generation
parents spoke highly-ungrammatical "pidgin
English". Their children, Bickerton found, grew up speaking
a grammatically rich language - neither English nor the
syntax-less pidgin of their parents. Furthermore, the language
exhibited many of the underlying grammatical features of
many other natural languages. The language became "creolized",
and is known as Hawaii
Creole English. This was taken as powerful evidence
for children's innate grammar module.
Debate within the nativist position now
revolves around how language evolved. Derek
Bickerton suggests a single mutation, a "big bang",
linked together previously evolved traits into full language.[5]
Others like Steven
Pinker argue for a slower evolution over longer periods
of time.[3]
Criticism and Non-Nativist Theories
Non-nativist theories include Relational
Frame Theory, the competition
model, functionalist
linguistics, usage-based
language acquisition, social
interactionism and others. Social-interactionists, like
Snow, theorize that adults play an important part in children's
language acquisition (see Moerk, E. L., 1992; also: http://www.jstor.org/pss/1128444).
However, some researchers claim that the empirical data
on which theories of social interactionism are based have
often been over-representative of middle class American
and European parent-child interactions. Various anthropological
studies of other human cultures, as well as anecdotal evidence
from western families, suggests rather that many, if not
the majority, of the world's children are not spoken
to in a manner akin to traditional language lessons, but
nevertheless grow up to be fully fluent language users.
Many researchers now take this into account in their analyses.
Nevertheless, Snow's criticisms might be
powerful against Chomsky's argument, if the argument from
the poverty of stimulus were indeed an argument about degenerate
stimulus, but it is not. The argument from the poverty of
stimulus is that there are principles of grammar that cannot
be learned on the basis of positive input alone, however
complete and grammatical that evidence is. This argument
is not vulnerable to objection based on evidence from interaction
studies such as Snow's, but it is vulnerable to the clear
evidence of the availability of negative input given by
Conversational
analysis. In addition, meta analysis has shown that
there is a large amount of corrections made [6].
Moerk (1994) conducted a meta-analysis of 40 studies and
found substantial evidence that corrections do indeed play
a role. From this work, corrections are not only abundant
but contingent on the mistakes of the child.[7]
(see behavior
analysis of child development ).
Many criticisms of the basic assumptions
of generative theory have been put forth, with little response
from its champions. The concept of a Language Acquisition
Device (LAD) is unsupported by evolutionary anthropology
which shows a gradual adaptation of the human body to the
use of language, rather than a sudden appearance of a complete
set of binary parameters (which are common to digital computers
but not to neurological systems such as a human brain) delineating
the whole spectrum of possible grammars ever to have existed
and ever to exist.
The theory has several hypothetical constructs,
such as movement, empty categories, complex underlying structures,
and strict binary branching, that cannot possibly be acquired
from any amount of input. Since the theory is, in essence,
unlearnably complex, then it must be innate. A different
theory of language, however, may yield different conclusions.
Examples of alternative theories that do not utilize movement
and empty categories are Head-driven
phrase structure grammar, Lexical
functional grammar, and several varieties of Construction
Grammar. While all theories of language acquisition
posit some degree of innateness, a less convoluted theory
might involve less innate structure and more learning. Under
such a theory of grammar, the input, combined with both
general and language-specific learning capacities, might
be sufficient for acquisition. Relational
Frame Theory (Hayes, Barnes-Holmes, Roche, 2001), provides
a wholly selectionist/learning account of the origin and
development of language competence and complexity. Bolstered
by a significant and growing base of experimental and applied
research, RFT posits a "functional contextualist" approach
to the understanding, prediction and influence of language
phenomenon.
See also
References
- ^ a
b
Chomsky,
N. (1975). Reflections on Language. New York:
Pantheon Books.
- ^ a
b
c
Yang, Charles
(2006). The Infinite Gift: How Children Learn and
Unlearn All the Languages of the World. New York:
Scribner.
- ^ a
b
c
d
e
Pinker,
Steven (1994). The Language Instinct: How the Mind
Creates Language. New York: Harper Collins.
- ^
One
Language or Two: Answers to Questions about Bilingualism
in Language-Delayed Children
- ^
Bickerton,
Derek (1990). Language and Species. United States:
University of Chicago Press.
- ^
Moerk, E.L. (1983). A behavioral analysis of controversial
topics in first language acquisition: Reinforcements,
corrections, modeling, input frequencies, and the three-term
contingency pattern. Journal of Psycholinguistic
Research, 12, 129-155
- ^
Moerk, E.L. (1994). Corrections in first language acquisition:
Theorectial controversies and factual evidence. International
Journal of Psycholinguistics, 10, 33-58
Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Language_acquisition
Published - October 2008
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