The Language of
Inflation
Traps in Translating Brazilian
Portuguese
By Danilo Nogueira
(Professional translator, editor,
writer, consultant, trainer)
Brazil
danilo.tradutor@uol.com.br
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Late in 1996 financial statement indexation was officially extinguished.
That supposedly sounded the death knell for
inflation. Inflation may be dead, but it has
left its marks on our language—and they still
haunt translators and users of translations
alike. I have this hunch that dictionaries will
never cope with them effectively.
The most egregious mark of inflation
is Correção Monetária
(CM), the indexation system introduced in
the mid 70s. Now most professionals appropriately
translate that as indexation. However,
you will also find the terms monetary correction
or monetary restatement, which are
improper because their meaning is difficult
to pinpoint, as well as price level accounting,
which is a misnomer because official CM
indices seldom reflected anything like a price
index. In fact, they were tools of economic
policy. In other words, the index did not reflect
past inflation, but was what the government
thought convenient at the time. Often one or
more increases were considered “abnormal” and
thus excluded from CM computations. This was
called inflação expurgada—expurgated
inflation. Any accountant will tell how
tax revenues could be manipulated in this way.
After CM came to life, corrigir,
which literally means to correct, began
to be used with the meaning of to apply indexation,
thus creating a trap into which many a worthy
translator fell.
Then, workers began to distinguish
between aumentos (merit increases) and
reajustes (cost of living adjustments).
Everybody was protesting against increases
so aumento became an ugly word. Consequently,
everybody began to use reajustes to refer
to their pay/price hikes—and aumento
to refer to increases in what their neighbors
received or charged. Union leaders demanded
reajustes salariais (salary adjustments)
to face aumentos de preços (price
increases); employers justified their reajustes
de preços as compensation for aumentos
de salários.
Unfortunately, the prices we paid
always seemed to increase a lot faster than
the prices we could charge. Everybody claimed
that their prices (or salary, wages, pension,
or whatever) were defasados (literally:
out of phase) meaning they lagged
behind inflation. This, of course, called
for a reajuste para contrabalançar
os aumentos—an adjustment to offset the increases.
Which, in turn... well, you get the idea.
Once a year, a pay increase was
decreed. That, of course, was o aumento
or o reajuste, depending on which side
of the fence you were on. However, during the
year workers usually demanded an extra increase.
Since at times the government tried to control
inflation by putting a lid on wage increases
(o arrocho—the squeeze), such an increase
was plainly illegal, so workers and their employers
usually agreed on an antecipação
(advance) or a pay increase that would
be deducted from the official increase to be
decreed. Later on, pay hikes above inflation
rates were allowed if productivity increased.
So, workers began to demand their produtividade,
which does not mean productivity, but
a pay increase attributed to an alleged increase
in productivity.
Prices were often controlled, and
approved price lists were published. These are
referred to as tabelas de preços (price
lists). Preço tabelado then
means controlled price. When controls
were lifted, the price was said to be liberado
(decontrolled, or literally: released
[from controls]). Occasionally prices were
congelados (frozen), in which case goods
would disappear from the market (desabastecimento—literally
lack of supply) and could only be bought
at higher-than-official prices (com ágio).
To evade controls and freezes, some products
appeared under slightly new guises, a practice
referred to as maquiagem (make-up). This
should not be confused with the cognate term
used in Mexico with a very different meaning.
This traditional meaning of tabela
should not be confused with another meaning,
current for a short period, and copied from
the Argentine tablita. This was the tabelinha,
or little table, one of the many panaceas
attempted to cure the country of inflation.
This was a table used to reduce the value of
payments. For instance, you bought a widget
on credit, to be paid in installments of $100.
Under the tabelinha, the amount of each
instalment was to be reduced so as to eliminate
the effects of inflation from it. This resulted
in many disputes, because those who paid wanted
to pay under the tabelinha, and those
who received claimed that they had sold for
credit without interest or inflation or nothing,
to their great loss and all, and now comes that
tabelinha to reduce their already meager
earnings. Well, it did not work, and inflation
went on as usual, tabelinha or no tabelinha.
Often indexation was based on official
indices, but this was sometimes awkward. So
we invented correção monetária
pré-fixada, (set in advance),which
is indexation based on a rate agreed on by the
parties in advance without government interference.
If you are a purist in matters of spelling,
notice that prefixada means prefixed,
i.e. provided with a prefix, whereas pré-fixada
means agreed in advance. Of course,
correção monetária embutida
means indexation built into the price
on credit sales. In such cases, there was a
discount on cash payments.
Indexation was introduced as a cure
for inflation, but it failed mainly because
it was habit-forming. Inflation rates accelerated
and we had to index practically everything:
salaries, installments, rent. This was done
by pegging prices to something the price of
which was widely publicized. For instance, Treasury
Bonds. Treasury Bond par values were indexed
and most people could tell you what the day’s
value was. Those Bonds were called Obrigações
Reajustáveis do Tesouro Nacional (ORTN)
- and all prices were quoted in ORTN terms.
Many translators, for instance, charged 1 ORTN
per standard page. Salaries were also quoted
in terms of ORTN, of course. Household help
was paid in ORTN. ORTN values were translated
(convertidos) into ordinary currency
at the time of payment. Of course, most people
never saw an ORTN, we used ordinary money, and
the indices were just “money of account.” I
am not mentioning the name of the actual currency
unit in use, for we had half a dozen different
units during the period.
With time, the ORTN was replaced
by the Obrigação do Tesouro
Nacional (OTN), and that in turn (mis)begot
otenizar (to quote using the OTN as a
unit).
Informally, prices were also quoted
in dollars. Since there were stringent exchange
controls, most people had never seen a greenback,
but almost everybody knew how much it was worth.
Exchange controls brought the black market with
them. This is referred to as o black and
black-market dealers are called doleiros.
Because the official rate of exchange
was also a tool of economic policy, it did not
reflect market conditions. And because it was
widely believed that such conditions were reflected
by the black market, its rates became so important
that even respectable newspapers quoted them—even
the Central Bank was forced to follow suit in
due time and discuss those rates in its bulletin.
To avoid using mercado negro, which always
reeks of something that nice people should not
be associated with, we coined mercado paralelo,
which was perceived to be a more appropriate
term to be used by the authorities.
Then, CVM, the Brazilian counterpart
to the American SEC, decreed that all organizations
subject to its regulations—which included all
financial institutions and publicly-held companies—had
to apply indexation to practically all of their
assets and liabilities. This deserves an explanation.
Under the 1976 Business Corporation Act, only
Property, Plant and Equipment, Long-term Investments
and Deferrals were to be indexed, with contras
to Shareholders’ Equity. But when monthly inflation
threatened to reach three digits, that was plainly
not enough. I will spare you an explanation
of how the new rules worked. As far as translators
and readers are concerned, however, they meant
introduction of another term: correção
monetária integral, which
may be rendered as full indexation.
Because those organizations still
had to publish their ordinary balance sheets
with what should now be termed partial
monetary correction, in practice they published
statements with two columns of figures, one
pela legislação societária
(pursuant to the Business Corporation Act, that
is, partially indexed)
and pela correção monetária
integral (fully indexed). This has
led many a translator to despair. Of course,
foreign financial analysts, confronted with
two columns of different figures did not feel
much better.
There were at least 30 different
inflation indices going. Pitched battles were
fought about what index should govern an operation.
The longest and most complex clause of any contract
dealt with indexation. Most businesses subscribed
to a periodical that published all the indices
ever used for the previous ten years or more.
Cash management became all-important.
Businesses kept enormous cash balances which
were reinvested every day. This was often considered
a better use of money than investing in production
and was referred to as ciranda financeira.
Ciranda financeira could perhaps be translated
as financial merry-go-round, although
ciranda is a dance in a circle. It did
very little good to the economy.
The eroding power of inflation was
so strong, that nobody could afford to wait
for payments. Traditionally, wholesalers sold
30 d.f.m. (30 dias fora o mês), which
means 30 days, not counting the current month.
In other words, if a retailer bought, say,
cooking oil from a wholesaler on April 10, the
bill was expected to be settled on May 31. This
was gradually reduced to one week after delivery.
Banks offered 7-day collection services. Checks
were (and still are) cleared within 48-72 hours.
Although inflation is now very low, we have
kept this healthy custom. My clients still settle
my bills within two weeks at most, to the envy
of many colleagues abroad who must wait a couple
months for a check.
Small grocers also sold on credit
on the hallowed caderneta (booklet) tradition:
customers had a caderneta and took it
to the store whenever they wanted anything.
The storekeeper sold them what they wanted and
entered the price of the purchase in the caderneta.
Once a month the account was settled. Gradually,
caderneta entries started to reflect
descriptions, not prices. At the end of the
month, the account was settled based on the
prices current at the date of settlement, not
on the prices current at the time of the purchase.
Supermarkets never offered cadernetas.
They offered lower prices. But as inflation
became higher and higher, the busiest person
in the supermarket was the one carrying a little
hand-held contraption that printed price labels.
This hated and unfortunate person went up and
down alleys altering prices, always up. Sometimes
you would find three or four labels with different
prices on the same article. This was called
remarcar (marking again). The strange
side of it is that remarcar had always
meant to mark down, during a sale, for
instance, but it slowly became to mark up.
Even now, when inflation seems to be over,
it is difficult to know when remarcar means
to mark up or down.
Traditionally, salaries were paid
once a month. People in financial straits could
ask for a vale (advance—so called because
the employee signed a “vale,” that is, an IOU).
Growing inflation made the vale automatic
and the right to a vale became part of
collective bargaining agreements. Often, bargaining
failed and the parties went to court. The technical
name of such a disagreement is dissídio
coletivo. Slowly o dissídio became
the name for the labor agreement itself or the
pay hike it brought. By the way, salário
means wages and salário
mínimo is the minimum wage. Mínimo
was perceived to be demeaning and was slowly
abandoned in colloquial language. Today, when
people say o salário, they often
mean o salário mínimo—the minimum
wage. Certain services are still priced
in terms of salários mínimos.
My bookkeeper, for instance, charges um
salário mínimo, that is, a
monthly fee equal to the monthly minimum wage.
Some people, however, could not
get vales. Those included, for instance,
the retired, who were—and still are—paid once
a month. With inflation at 80%+ a month, purchasing
power vanished so quickly that people who got
paid once a month went straight to the supermarket
and spent as much of their pay as they could
before the bills became valueless. Someone then
said that inflation was the cruelest tax
of all, because it ate up the earnings of
the poor who could not play in the ciranda
financeira. That was the imposto inflacionário,
which may be translated as the hidden
tax represented by inflation.
Unable to play in the Ciranda, the
poor put whatever they could spare in cadernetas
de poupanca (passbook savings account). This
was considered sacred, something for a rainy
day. Those accounts paid interest of 0.5% a
month, plus correção monetária.
Unfortunately, many people never noticed
the difference between the two. All they knew
was that income on savings accounts (rendimento
da poupança) was high and on the
increase. And they were happy. Too happy. Once
a month, the eight o’clock news reporter told
us that inflation for the month had reached
80% and that income on savings accounts would
be 80.5%. Happy that their savings had almost
doubled within a month—and unaware that most
of that was just a paper gain—people felt wealthy
and freely spent their “income.” They took care
to leave the principal untouched and in due
time, inflation eroded their savings to nothing.
As time went by, more and more prices
were quoted in dollars. The government tried
to stop it as a matter of national pride, but
it was to no avail. That was the dolarização
informal.
Then the Government created the
URV (Unidade Referencial de Valor—something
like Value Reference Unit), and for a
time all prices were quoted in URV terms. URVs
were never issued, so they were solely money
of account. The government never said the URV
was equal to US$1, but the “exchange” rate was
always 1:1. So this was referred to as dolarização
envergonhada. Literally—and in broken English—this
would be embarrassed dollarization, which,
I think, needs no further comment.
In July 1994 the URV became the
Real, inflation disappeared seemingly by magic,
and all those absurdities described above are
slowly becoming a thing of the past. The nightmare
is over—or so we hope—but we will long remember
it in our language.
This article was originally published at
Translation Journal (http://accurapid.com/journal).
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