Esperanto
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http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Esperanto
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Esperanto
is the most widely spoken constructed
international
language. The name derives from D-ro
Esperanto, the pseudonym
under which L.
L. Zamenhof first published the Unua
Libro in 1887.
Zamenhof's goal was to create an easy and flexible
language as a universal second
language to foster peace and international
understanding.
Although no recognized country
has adopted the language officially, it has enjoyed
continuous usage by a growing community of speakers,
who are estimated to number around 1.6 million. Today,
Esperanto is employed in world travel, correspondence,
cultural exchange, conventions, literature, language
instruction, and radio broadcasting. There are even
about a thousand native
speakers of the language.
There is evidence that learning Esperanto
before another foreign language improves
one's ability to learn that language, so
much so that it takes less time to learn both than
it would to learn just the second.
History
Main article: History
of Esperanto
As
a recently constructed language, Esperanto's history
is short and relatively well-known. It was developed
in the late 1870s
and early 1880s
by Dr. Ludovic
Lazarus Zamenhof. After some ten years
of development, which Zamenhof spent translating literature
into the language as well as writing original prose
and verse, the first
Esperanto grammar was published in Warsaw
in July 1887.
The number of speakers grew rapidly over the next
few decades, at first primarily in the Russian
empire and eastern Europe, then in western
Europe and the Americas, China, and Japan. In the
early years speakers of Esperanto kept in contact
primarily through correspondence
and magazines,
but in 1905
the first world congress of Esperanto speakers was
held in Boulogne-sur-Mer,
France.
Since then world
congresses have been held on five continents,
every year except during the two World Wars, and have
been attended by up to 6000 people.
Esperanto
is part of the state educational curriculum
of several countries, but is not an official language
of any. There were plans at the beginning of the 20th
century to establish Neutral
Moresnet as the world's first Esperanto
state, and the short-lived artificial
island micronation
of Rose
Island used Esperanto as its official language
in 1968.
In China, there was talk in some circles after the
1911
Xinhai
Revolution about officially replacing Chinese
with Esperanto as a means to dramatically bring the
country into the twentieth century, although this
proved untenable. Esperanto is the working language
of several non-profit
international organizations such as the Sennacieca
Asocio Tutmonda and the United
Citizens Alliance, but most others are
specifically Esperanto organizations. The largest
of these, the World
Esperanto Association, has an official
consultative relationship with the United
Nations and UNESCO.
The Oomoto
religion encourages the use of Esperanto among their
followers. The Bahá'í
Faith encourages the use of an auxilliary
international language, and sees Esperanto as having
great potential in this role.
Linguistic properties
Classification
As a constructed
language, Esperanto is not genealogically
related to any ethnic language. Esperanto can be described
as "a language lexically
predominantly romanic,
morphologically
intensively agglutinant
and to a certain degree isolating
in character" (Blanke
1985).
The phonology,
grammar,
vocabulary,
and semantics
are based on the western Indo-European
languages. The phonemic
inventory is essentially Slavic,
as is much of the semantics, while the vocabulary
derives primarily from the Romance
languages, with a lesser contribution from
Germanic.
Pragmatics
and other aspects of the language not specified by
Zamenhof's original documents were influenced by the
native languages of early speakers, primarily Russian,
Polish,
German,
and French.
Typologically,
Esperanto has prepositions
and a pragmatic
word order that by default is Subject
Verb Object and Adjective
Noun. New words are formed through
extensive prefixing
and suffixing.
Grammar
For more details on this topic,
see Esperanto
grammar. Esperanto
words are derived
by stringing together prefixes, roots, and suffixes.
This is very regular, so that people can create new
words as they speak and be understood. Compound
words are formed with modifier-first, head-final order,
i.e. the same way as in English birdsong vs.
songbird. The
different parts
of speech are marked by their own suffixes:
all nouns end in -o, all adjectives in -a,
adverbs in -e, and verbs end in one of six
tense
and mood
suffixes, such as present
tense -as. Plural
nouns end in -oj (pronounced "oy"), whereas
direct
objects end in -on. Plural direct
objects end in -ojn (pronounced to rhyme with
"coin"). Adjectives agree
with their nouns; their endings are plural -aj
(pronounced "eye"), direct-object -an, and
plural direct-object -ajn (pronounced to rhyme
with "fine").
| Noun |
Subject |
Object |
| Singular |
-o |
-on |
| Plural |
-oj |
-ojn |
|
| Adjective |
Subject |
Object |
| Singular |
-a |
-an |
| Plural |
-aj |
-ajn |
|
The six verb inflections
are three tenses and three moods. They are present
tense -as, future
tense -os, past
tense -is, infinitive
mood -i, conditional
mood -us, and jussive
mood -u. Verbs are not marked for
person or number. For instance: kanti - to
sing; mi kantas - I sing; mi kantis
- I sang; mi kantos - I will sing.
Word order is comparatively free:
adjectives may precede or follow nouns, and subjects,
verbs and objects (marked by the suffix -n)
can occur in any order. However, the article
la (the) and the demonstratives
almost always come before the noun, and a preposition
must come before it. Similarly, the negative
ne (not) and conjunctions
such as kaj (both, and) and ke (that)
must precede the phrase
or clause
they introduce. In copular
(A = B) clauses, word order is just as important as
it is in English clauses like people are dogs
vs. dogs are people.
Vocabulary
- For more details on this topic,
see Esperanto
vocabulary.
- See the lists of Esperanto
words and Esperanto
words from Universala Vortaro at Wiktionary,
the free dictionary and Wikipedia's sibling project.
The core vocabulary of Esperanto
was defined by Lingvo internacia, published
by Zamenhof in 1887. It comprised 900 roots,
which could be expanded into the tens of thousands
of words with prefixes, suffixes, and compounding.
In 1894, Zamenhof published the first Esperanto dictionary,
Universala Vortaro, with a larger set of roots.
However, the rules of the language allowed speakers
to borrow new roots as needed, recommending only that
they look for the most international forms, and then
derive related meanings from these.
Since then, many words have been borrowed,
primarily but not solely from the western European
languages. Not all proposed borrowings catch on, but
many do, especially technical and scientific terms.
Terms for everyday use, on the other hand, are more
likely to be derived from existing roots—for example
komputilo (a computer) from komputi
(to compute) plus the suffix -ilo (tool)—or
to be covered by extending the meanings of existing
words (for example muso (a mouse), now also
means a computer input device, as in English). There
are frequent debates among Esperanto speakers about
whether a particular borrowing is justified or whether
the need can be met by deriving from or extending
the meaning of existing words.
In addition to the root words and
the rules for combining them, a learner of Esperanto
must learn some idiomatic compounds that are not entirely
straightforward. For example, eldoni, literally
"to give out", is used for "to publish" (a calque
of words in several European languages with the same
derivation), and vortaro, literally "a collection
of words", means "a glossary" or "a dictionary". Such
forms are modeled after usage in the ethnic European
languages, and speakers of other languages may find
them illogical. Fossilized derivations inherited from
Esperanto's source languages may be similarly obscure,
such as the opaque connection the root word centralo
"power station" has with centro "center". Compounds
with -um- are overtly arbitrary, and must be
learned individually, as -um- has no defined
meaning. It turns dekstren "to the right" into
dekstrumen "clockwise", and komuna "common/shared"
into komunumo "community", for example.
Nevertheless, there are not nearly
as many truly idiomatic or slang words in Esperanto
as in ethnic languages, as these tend to make international
communication difficult, working against Esperanto's
main goal.
Writing system
For more details on this topic,
see Esperanto
orthography. Esperanto
is written with a modified version of the Latin
alphabet, including six letters with diacritics:
ĉ,
ĝ,
ĥ,
ĵ,
ŝ
and ŭ
(that is, c, g, h, j, s circumflex,
and u breve).
The alphabet does not include the letters q, w,
x, y except in unassimilated foreign names.
The 28-letter alphabet is:
a b
c ĉ
d e f g ĝ
h ĥ
i j ĵ
k l m n o p r s ŝ
t u ŭ
v z
All letters are pronounced approximately
as their lower-case equivalents in the IPA,
with the exception of c and the accented letters:
| Letter |
Pronunciation |
| c |
[ʦ] |
| ĉ |
[ʧ] |
| ĝ |
[ʤ] |
| ĥ |
[x] |
| ĵ |
[ʒ] |
| ŝ |
[ʃ] |
ŭ
(as aŭ,
eŭ) |
[ṷ] |
Two ASCII-compatible
writing conventions are in use. These substitute digraphs
for the accented letters. The original "h-convention"
(ch, gh, hh, jh, sh, u) is based on English
'ch' and 'sh', while a more recent "x-convention"
(cx, gx, hx, jx, sx, ux) is useful for alphabetic
word sorting on a computer (cx comes correctly
after cu, sx after sv, etc.)
as well as for simple conversion back into the standard
orthography.
The Esperanto speaker community
Geography and demography
Esperanto speakers are more numerous in Europe and
East Asia than in the Americas, Africa and Oceania,
and more numerous in urban than in rural areas (Sikosek
2003). Esperanto is particularly prevalent
in the northern and eastern countries of Europe; in
China, Korea, Japan, and Iran within Asia; in Brazil,
Argentina, and Mexico in the Americas; and in Togo
and Madagascar in Africa.
An estimate of the number
of Esperanto speakers was made by Sidney
S. Culbert, a retired psychology professor
of the University
of Washington and a longtime Esperantist,
who tracked down and tested all Esperanto speakers
in sample areas of dozens of countries over a period
of twenty years. Culbert concluded that between one
and two million people speak Esperanto at Foreign
Service Level 3, "professionally proficient"
(able to communicate moderately complex ideas without
hesitation, and to follow speeches, radio broadcasts,
etc.) (Wolff
1996). Culbert's estimate was not made
for Esperanto alone, but formed part of his listing
of estimates for all languages of over 1 million speakers,
published annually in the World
Almanac and Book of Facts. Since Culbert
never published in detail about his sampling methodology,
or intermediate results for particular countries and
regions, it is difficult to gauge the accuracy of
his results. In the Almanac, his estimates for numbers
of language speakers were rounded to the nearest million,
thus the number for Esperanto speakers is shown as
2 million. This latter figure appears in Ethnologue.
Assuming that this figure is accurate, that means
that about 0.03% of the world's population speaks
the language. This falls short of Zamenhof's goal
of a universal
language, but it represents a level of
popularity unmatched by any other constructed language.
Ethnologue
also states that there are 200 to 2000 native
Esperanto speakers. Marcus
Sikosek has challenged this figure of 1.6 million
as exaggerated. Sikosek estimated that even if Esperanto
speakers were evenly distributed, assuming one million
Esperanto speakers worldwide would lead one to expect
about 180 in the city of Cologne.
Sikosek finds only 30 fluent speakers in that city,
and similarly smaller than expected figures in several
other places thought to have a larger-than-average
concentration of Esperanto speakers. He also notes
that there are a total of about 20,000 members of
the various Esperanto organizations (other estimates
are higher). Though there are undoubtedly many Esperanto
speakers who are not members of any Esperanto organization,
he thinks it unlikely that there are fifty times more
speakers than organization members (Sikosek
2003). Others think such a ratio between
members of the organized Esperanto movement and speakers
of the language is not unlikely. In the absence of
Dr. Culbert's detailed sampling data, or any other
census data, it is impossible to state the number
of speakers with certainty.
Culture
- For a more detailed treatment
of these topics, see the subarticles: Esperanto
culture, Esperanto
literature, and Esperanto
music.
Esperanto is often used to access
an international culture,
including a large corpus of original as well as translated
literature.
There are over a hundred regularly published magazines
in Esperanto. Many speakers use the language
for free travel throughout the world using the Pasporta
Servo, or for international pen
pals. Penpals are even possible for elementary
school students, something that is far
more difficult when using an ethnic language like
English. To some extent there are also shared traditions
in the Esperanto community, like Zamenhof
Day. It is
frequently criticised that "Esperanto has no culture".
However, Esperanto is intentionally culturally neutral:
It was intended to be a facilitator between
cultures, not the carrier of any one culture. (See
Esperanto
as an international language.)
Two films were produced with dialogue
entirely in Esperanto. The films were Angoroj
in 1964 and Incubus
starring William
Shatner in 1965.
The anime
RahXephon
makes use of Esperanto for the acronym
of TERRA, which stands for "Tereno Empireo Rapidmova
Reakcii Armeo." This can be translated as "Earth Empire
Rapid Response Army," though pedants might note that
a better Esperanto rendition of this name would be
"Rapid-Reaga Armeo de la Tera Imperio".
American composer Lou
Harrison, who incorporated styles and instruments
from many world cultures in his music, used Esperanto
titles and/or texts in several of his works.
Goals of the Esperanto movement
Zamenhof's intention was to create
an easy-to-learn language to foster international
understanding. It was to serve as an international
auxiliary language, that is, as a universal
second tongue, not to replace ethnic languages. This
goal was widely shared among Esperanto speakers in
the early decades of the movement. Later, Esperanto
speakers began to see the language and the culture
that had grown up around it as ends in themselves,
even if Esperanto is never adopted by the United
Nations or other international organizations.
Those Esperanto speakers who want
to see Esperanto adopted officially or on a large
scale worldwide are commonly called finvenkistoj,
from fina venko, meaning "final victory". Those
who focus on the intrinsic value of the language are
commonly called raÅmistoj, from Rauma,
Finland,
where a declaration on the near-term unlikelihood
of the "fina venko" and the value of Esperanto culture
was made at the International Youth Congress in 1980.
These categories are, however, not mutually exclusive.
The Prague
Manifesto (1996) presents the views of
the mainstream of the esperanto movement and of its
main organisation, the World Esperanto Association
(UEA).
Esperanto and education
Relatively few schools teach Esperanto
officially outside of China, Hungary, and Bulgaria;
the majority of Esperanto speakers continue to learn
the language through self-directed study or correspondence
courses. Several Esperanto paper correspondence courses
were early on adapted to email and taught by corps
of volunteer instructors. In more recent years, teaching
websites like lernu!
have become popular.
Claude
Piron, a psychologist formerly at the University
of Geneva and Chinese-English-Russian-Spanish
translator for the United
Nations, argued that it is easier to think
clearly in Esperanto than in many ethnic languages
(see Sapir-Whorf
hypothesis for an explanation on this theory).
"Esperanto relies entirely on innate reflexes [and]
differs from all other languages in that you can always
trust your natural tendency to generalize patterns.
[...] The same neuropsychological law [— called by]
Jean
Piaget generalizing assimilation
— applies to word formation as well as to grammar."
(published
lecture notes)
Several studies demonstrate that,
at least for native European-language speakers, studying
Esperanto before another foreign language speeds and
improves learning the other language. This is presumably
because learning subsequent foreign
languages is easier than learning one's
first, while the use of a grammatically simple and
culturally flexible auxiliary language like Esperanto
lessens the first-language learning hurdle. In one
study (Williams
1965), a group of European high-school
students studied Esperanto for one year, then French
for three years, and ended up with a significantly
better command of French than a control
group, who studied French for all four
years. Similar results were found when the second
language was Japanese, or when the course of study
was reduced to two years, of which six months was
spent learning Esperanto. See Propedeutic
value of Esperanto for other relevant studies.
Criticism and Modifications of Esperanto
- For a more detailed treatment
of these topics, see the subarticles: Esperanto
as an international language and Esperantido
(Esperanto-inspired projects).
Common criticisms of the language
are that its vocabulary and grammar are too Western
European; that its vocabulary, accented letters, and
grammar are not Western European enough (a critique
addressed by Ido
and Interlingua);
that it is sexist, artificial, or has failed to live
up to expectations.
Though Esperanto itself has changed
relatively little since the publication of the Fundamento,
a number of reform projects have been proposed over
the years, starting with Zamenhof's
proposals in 1894 and Ido
in 1907. Several later conlangs,
such as Novial
and Fasile,
were based on Esperanto.
All text is available under the terms
of the GNU
Free Documentation License
(see Copyrights
for details).
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